The Bulgarian economy has been stagnating for a third
consecutive year. The only economic sectors where an increase was marked were
agriculture and industry. A total overview of what is being produced and sold
in this country shows that the export-oriented industry is still functioning
well, sells its produce abroad and even generates a slight growth. On the other
hand, the sector which has also been performing well is tourism which marked an
increase in 2012. As a whole, the rest of the Bulgarian economy has been
sending worrying signals and the trend of development there is negative.
What does data from this statistics shows?
The Bulgarian economy grew by only 0.8% in 2012, which
is twice less than in 2011. Let alone the forecast of the Bulgarian government
in resignation which predicted an economic growth of 2.9%. With regard to gross
domestic product, Bulgaria has remained last in the European rankings. The
gross domestic product (GDP) is the main economic indicator for the
productiveness and the living standard of the population. The investments in
the Bulgarian economy in 2012 were also below the expectations. However, they have
had great contribution to the Bulgarian GDP as they marked an increase of 1.5%
year on year. According to Desislava Nikolova, there is a lack of steady trend
with regard to growth in investments. “We think that a serious recovery of the
economic growth and the investment streams in the local economy can only happen
if the levels of foreign direct investments (FDI) reach the ones before the
economic crisis.” Experts comment that the business will wait the results of
the Parliamentary elections and then it will decide on its investment policy.
There was also a growth in the consumption by 1.3%, which is
quite insufficient though. Over the last quarter, the situation on the labor
market remained hard. The statistics about the labor force shows that the number
of unemployed has been increasing.
The political crisis has also reflected negatively on the economic
processes.
There
are comments about postponed or hampered investment projects by foreign
investors as well as by the local business. So, the quicker the political
stability is restored in Bulgaria, the sooner the economic activity in this
country will recover. It is of great importance for Bulgaria to have a stable
government in three months, because it would guarantee the economic stability
and a better economic growth. We need a stable government after the official
elections. It has to make urgent reforms so that the business can feel some
relief. This is the main prerequisite for a future economic growth.
Bulgaria’s
economy failed to sustain a recovery course in the environment of an enduring debt debacle in
Europe and a lasting instability in international financial markets. The weakening of
economic activity which could be observed in the final months of 2011 continued in
2012, as well. The main factor behind this was the sharp
deterioration in export performance
which in itself mirrored weak demand in Europe. Consequently net exports made a negative
contribution to GDP growth in the first quarter, reversing the situation prevailing in
the period 2009-2011. By contrast, domestic demand made a positive contribution to
GDP growth in the first quarter, mostly thanks to a modest upturn in private consumption.
Overall, it is
difficult to draw far-reaching conclusions from these facts as the economy remains close to
the freezing point, with quarterly GDP growing by a 0.9% year on year according to
preliminary statistics. However, the preliminary national accounts data tend to be rather
unreliable. For example, these data suggest that real aggregate value added produced in the
Bulgarian economy in the first quarter dropped by 0.9% from the same period of 2011.
The reported positive GDP figure was exclusively due to a large positive contribution of
FISIM (financial intermediation services indirectly measured), which is an adjustment item
in the System of National Accounts. Moreover, different short-term indicators point
to different directions of recent trends that are in some case the opposite of those implied by
the quarterly national accounts data. Thus real retail sales in the first quarter were on
the decline year-on-year while national accounts point to an increase in private
consumption. Similarly, national accounts suggest a year-on-year increase in
value added produced
in construction, while according to monthly data quarterly gross construction
production fell from the same period of 2011.
The
most disappointing recent development has been the weakening in export performance, which had kept the economy afloat during the past couple of
years. In the first quarter of
2012, the growth of merchandise exports was negative (albeit slightly) both in nominal and in real terms for the
first time since 2009. In
this period, the biggest retrenchment
was recorded in exports to the EU,
while exports to third parties were less affected.
Mirroring this, manufacturing output also went into the red in the first
quarter. By contrast, after almost two
years of decelerating,
imports growth, imports started
picking up speed in the first months of
2012.
The
divergent trends in export and import performance affected the dynamics of
Bulgaria’s external
balances and since the beginning of 2012 the current account has been in the negative
territory. Overall, net capital outflow continued in the first months of 2012,
mostly due
to the ongoing amortization of loans borrowed externally by commercial banks
and very
little, if any at all, new such borrowing. Consequently, gross foreign debt
also continued
to fall. At the same time, there have been no signs of an invigoration of FDI
inflows.
The
negative shocks experienced during the crisis have largely been transmitted to
the labor
market which acted as one of the main shock absorbers in the Bulgarian economy. With
some lags, these negative effects continue to pass through and, given the
failure of the
economy to embark on a path of sustained recovery, net job destruction still
prevails as a
trend. Hence, unemployment was on the ris, although seasonal
factors may reverse this in the summer months.
Another
worrisome development has been the continuing deterioration in commercial banks’
portfolios due to a persistent rise in substandard loans. Overall, credit
activity remains
very subdued and selective, both due to the uncertain economic prospects and the
liquidity constraints that banks themselves are facing: with the drying up of
external funding,
savings in bank deposits have become the main source of new funds. Against this backdrop,
the share of non-performing and restructured loans kept rising in the opening months
of 2012 and reached 18.6% of total loans in April, up from 15.2% a year earlier
and an
average of 16.2% for 2011 as a whole.
Nevertheless,
the banking system as a whole remains relatively stable thanks to its high degree
of capitalization as required by local regulations which are considerably
tougher than
Basle-2 requirements. Thus, at the end of 2011, the average capital adequacy
ratio of the
commercial banking system in Bulgaria was 17.5% which allowed most banks facing bad
loans problems to provision heftily without suffering a serious burden. Anyway,
10 out of
31 commercial banks in Bulgaria reported a loss for 2011 as a whole.
Fiscal
policy remains as one of the most controversial aspects of macroeconomic management in Bulgaria. In terms of
its fiscal balance, Bulgaria can appear as one of the “star
performers” in the EU as, with the exception of the years 2009-2010 it has not
only been
within the 3 per cent deficit range but actually had been reporting fiscal
surpluses from
2004 to 2008. However, the rationale of Bulgaria’s fiscal policy has often been disputed.
The two questions that have been posed most often are: 1) Whether the degree of
fiscal austerity in Bulgaria was really justified? and 2) Whether the
allocation of public spending
within the targeted fiscal position was efficient?
The
answers to both questions are not straightforward. While there were good
reasons to maintain
a fiscal surplus during the boom years (in line with the structural fiscal
balance), the
degrees of fiscal austerity during the crisis years are probably more difficult
to justify, moreover
given the very low level of public debt in the country. Targeted one-off policy measures
during this period could probably have helped for a certain dampening of the negative
external shocks. In this sense, the unduly tight fiscal stance has probably
resulted in
growth and employment sacrifices in this period.
What
is even more debatable is the internal adjustment of public spending within the targeted
overall balance. In the first place, fiscal policy in recent years has suffered
from very
low transparency. Thus the current government (in power since 2009) never
declared its
concrete policy priorities during its mandate (especially, during the crisis)
and how these would
translate into public spending. In addition, the government has throughout its
term in office
avoided unpopular large-scale fiscal measures and therefore major structural reforms
have continuously been put on hold. By contrast, on several occasions, the government
did retreat into populist moves under pressure from the streets. Thus de facto public
spending – and spending cuts – have been a reflection of what the government could
commit within a generally austere fiscal stance with least resistance from the
public.
The
fiscal policy stance implied by the 2012 budget and currently being executed by
the government
follows the same paradigm. The main victim of this political economy has
been
public investment financed from national sources, which has suffered continuous subsequent
cuts since 2009. A
certain increase in the absorption of EU investment funds in
2010 and 2011 could not compensate for the cutbacks in local financing. In this
sense, the
government de facto abandoned one of the few instruments available at its
disposal for providing
support to economic activity in the country, adding to the growth and
employment sacrifices
attributable to economic policy.
In
the present circumstances, most factors point to continuing sluggishness in
economic activity in the short run.
Exports keep losing their momentum while there are no signs pointing towards a more proactive
domestic policy stance. Investor sentiment remains subdued. The possible modest recovery in private consumption will
hardly be sufficient to act as a
visible growth driver. Adding to that the prevailing overall economic weakness
in Europe, most likely
Bulgaria’s economy will be close to stagnation in 2013 taken as a whole.
In the absence of more pro-active policy measures it is also difficult to
expect a notable amelioration in the
labor market situation.
Under
the currency board straightjacket, Bulgaria’s economy – and its growth
prospects –are
largely a hostage of capital inflows and these are unlikely to materialize in
the coming
years.
Therefore the most likely medium-term scenario is probably the switch to a
rather moderate
growth path.
Nataliya Timova
Source: wiiw Database incorporating
Eurostat and national statistics. Forecasts by wiiw.
[artigo de opinião produzido no âmbito da unidade curricular “Economia Portuguesa e Europeia” do 3º ano do curso de Economia (1ºciclo) da EGG/UMinho]
[artigo de opinião produzido no âmbito da unidade curricular “Economia Portuguesa e Europeia” do 3º ano do curso de Economia (1ºciclo) da EGG/UMinho]
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